Tuesday, November 24, 2009

Patron Saint Day in Todos Santos Cuchumatán: Migration and Cultural Syncretism

Todos Santos Cuchumatán. Huehuetenango, Guatemala.
November 1st, 2009.
Issues: Culture & Migration


“We understand cultural syncretism as a process of acculturation, or mixing of different cultures. In general terms, it basically refers to the process by which Europe, and particularly Spain and Portugal, blended with the so-called ‘New Continent’”. (1)

Nevertheless, it is impossible not to perceive the new syncretism that continually embeds itself in our territories due to the complex links arising from the South-to-North migration phenomenon.


The Cuchumatanes sierra is Central America’s highest mountain range. Entrenched in its summits, the municipality of Todos Santos Cuchumatan rises 2,470 meters above sea level. Maya Mam communities have inhabited these cold, dense, and hostile peaks for generations. Mexico is only a few crests in the distance.




Traditions

As Catholic traditions prevail in Guatemala, each town carries out its largest annual festival on its patron saint day. Todos Santos (Spanish for all saints) celebrates its yearly fair on November 1st, All-Saints Day. It is customary in Guatemala, Mexico, and most countries in the region to commemorate the deceased on that date, and well into the 2nd, by visiting cemeteries, decorating graves and placing offerings to those who have passed on. Here in Todos Santos, a jovial spirit from the annual fair reigns above all.








“It is not customary in Guatemala for Mayan men to wear their traditional clothing. But in Todos Santos the men are very proud to do so, as the design and colors were adapted to their worldview in relation to the sacred Mayan calendar – as part of the syncretism found throughout Guatemala.” (2)




“Without a doubt, the horse races are the center of attention in the todosantero festival. Their meaning and origins are vague. One interpretation views them as a recreation of a triumphant escape by [Maya] Mam warriors from Spanish forces. A different opinion sees the event as tied with symbolism relating to the cleansing of the land, as the participants sacrifice a rooster before galloping.” (3)










“In the end, there is no race or competition. The riders, decorated with feathers, woven sashes, and capes, dash along a hundred meter course at the sound of a whistle. Once done, they turn around, and again – over and over, from one end to the other, for hours.” (4)














Migration

“The migratory phenomenon [is] a product of factors that immerse the population in a generalized feeling of despair and an absence of opportunities to live in their country. The lack of governance, combined with the [high] incidence of violence and criminality faced by Guatemalan society, have created a state of extreme insecurity for its citizens.

In addition, the high levels of exclusion and discrimination that the indigenous population is subjected to, strengthen the correlation between indigenous background and poverty in Guatemala. As a result, domestic and international migration becomes the only alternatives to improve their chances in life and to meet subsistence needs." (5)


“Maya Mam peasants, experts in crossing frontiers, have crossed international boundaries between Mexico and Guatemala, identity borders between mestizo and Mam cultures, religious adherence from Catholicism to Protestantism, and, once again, risk their lives to cross international borders as they migrate toward the Unites States.” (6)


Culture

“Culture is the collection of symbols with which humans relate to their environment and through which they explain and recreate that relation. Identity is a manifestation of culture, one that results in the selective and distinctive internalization of certain elements and traits by social subjects.” (7)




“Indigenous cultures are dynamic. Their knowledge and traditions display characteristics of continuity from the past, but they also incorporate modernization processes. Emigration causes changes in life: the community, region, and country are left behind. It affects cultural models and notions about the world that reflect in daily choices involving eating habits, housing, clothing, as well as in collective and public activities. This does not necessarily involve a complete tear with the past, but rather a cultural reconfiguration.” (8)


Young nine-year-old Daniel tells us that he “loves Barcelona!” – reflected by the cap he wears with the football club’s symbol. His traditional outfit also includes a belt that at first seems commonplace. Upon further scrutiny, the belt reveals motifs from a well known animated Hollywood film.




Syncretism

Nevertheless, “how far does the resistance against the hegemonic culture really go and, along with it, a return to the origins, traditions, purity, fundamentalisms? Is it more appropriate to talk about cultural hybridism? Or syncretism? Or pastiche? Those who return, do they bring back only a strong influence of mass culture, of consumerism, of meat and cars, of alcohol, of laziness, of hygienism? Arguments and realities exist for all tastes; the only thing we can be sure of is that all different life modes are constantly in transformation. As a consequence, so is culture, as the guide that helps us wade between trials and errors, between traditions and innovations, between recreations and technologies, the new challenges we all face.” (9)


“The [United States] flag is in itself another marketing symbol, a good, a merchandise that generates profits and is available to whomever wants to purchase it. The expansion of the flag as an icon beyond US borders demonstrates the capacity of the capitalism and cultural hegemony managed by the United States. But it is also a sign of its own weakness. Users of all walks of life – immigrants, youth, rockers, middle-class folk – assign their own meanings and experiences [to the flag]… And, in our case, it reaches out to immigrants and their families, creating a sense of belonging that sometimes surpasses that which their home country has offered them – even if this weighs heavily on northerners and southerners alike.” (10)




“In the cities as in the countryside, we cannot help but notice the most kitsch homes – as if the architecture produced by remittances was just that… The truth is that these improved products are modifying their agents’ landscape. Bordering between mixtures and mestizajes, these products make the changes that migration is bringing to the urban and rural areas evident. These homes reflect that, among other dynamics, migration brings social differentiation. We must always keep this in mind. But, at the same time, these houses represent the search for an improved quality of life and the enjoyment of certain comforts, such as added light, and more private spaces. All in all, a different habitation concept.” (11)


“This brings us to the idea that these people have reached a certain level of development on their own; one that the State has never facilitated for them and that is infinitely more costly for rural than for urban populations. It is a shame that dignified housing and minimal conditions of comfort must be achieved through such extraordinary efforts. Under this view, [migrant] architecture is a monument to the indifferent governments and elites from Central American nations who have not known how to channel these people’s energies other than to overexploit them.” (12)


“All of this becomes increasingly complex when we realize that there is recognition for the immigrants who head north only if their venture is successful. If so, there is an increase in remittances, improved housing, and gold teeth. But no one ever hears about those who disappear, or simply the “failed” ones who could not reach their dreams in physical and economic terms.” (13)


“Alcoholism is a negative cultural factor that is aggravated with the migratory experience – both in the departing and receiving communities.” (14)

“Those who stay build a wall against the failed ones who return, and condemn them to public derision, ostracism, and oblivion. The force behind the ideology of the return – those who leave must do so always believing they will return better off than when he or she left – is expressed throughout Central America and fuels migrants’ efforts. It is a necessary force in order to gather the strength and courage required for the departure, especially considering how brutal and dangerous the journey north can be.

This ideology, however, boasts serious limitations if one does not return triumphantly surrounded by material goods: those who fail earn the branding of a “leper”. Hence, a deep feeling of frustration and the urge to try the journey again pervades among those returnees viewed as failures. This cruel wall of disdain is built by all of us, and as such, it is our responsibility to dismantle it.” (15)


Even on All-Saints day, when families visit their dead, the tombs of those who triumphed in El Norte continue to cast the shadow of disdain on those who failed or never left.


By James Rodrí­guez -...
Please follow the link above to preview the 40-page book version of Migration and Cultural Syncretism: Patron Saint Day in Todos Santos Cuchumatán. Available in soft or hard cover, the book includes 80 full color photographs. All proceeds help fund the production of the photo-essays found in MiMundo.org.


Versión en español aquí.


1 http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sincretismo_cultural
2 http://www.tuaventura.org/node/276
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid.
5 Bezáres Cóbar, Patricia. “Aproximaciones para el análisis y estudio sobre la situación de las mujeres indígenas y migración en Guatemala”. Migraciones indígenas en las Américas. Instituto Interamericano de Derechos Humanos. 2007, San José, Costa Rica. P. 115.
6 Hernández Castillo, Rosalía Aída (2004), in International Colloquium Chiapas, ten years later. Ciesas. San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas, México.
7 Duarte, Rolando y Teresa Coello. La Decisión de Marcharse: Los pueblos indígenas migrantes de Guatemala y Chiapas. Consejería en Proyectos (PCS). Guatemala, 2007. Pp. 97.
8 Ibid. Pp. 97-8.
9 Cazali, Rosina. Conversation with Manuela Camus and Santiago Bastos. “Mirando desde el Sur”. Migraciones: Mirando al Sur. Centro Cultural de España en México. México, 2009. P. 64.
(http://www.ronaldmoran.com/mirandoalsur.pdf)
10 Ibid. P. 60.
11 Ibid. Pp. 62-3.
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid. P. 61.
14 Op. Cit. Duarte & Coello. P. 101.
15 Op. Cit. Cazali. P. 61.

Friday, October 30, 2009

Xeabaj II: Beneath the Rock and the Storm

Xeabaj II Village. Santa Catarina Ixtahuacán, Sololá, Guatemala.

October 25th, 2009.



The dense humidity accumulated by violent Pacific currents, crashes brutally against the peaks of the Panimaquín range along the departments of Sololá and Quetzaltenango.



Here, generation after generation, day after day, life goes on amidst the clouds.





The small rural community of Xeabaj II sits surrounded by cornfields, clouds, and pine trees. In the Maya Kakchiquel language, xeabaj means “beneath the rock”. On October 2005, however, nature roared fiercely and the villagers had no choice but to abandon their ancestral lands and relocate above the rock.





“We never thought about moving out here,” the women from the community recount. “We were happy were we used to live. But, one Sunday, it started to rain very heavily all day without stopping. And then again all day Monday. And all day Tuesday. A few landslides began that third afternoon. But by Wednesday, when landslides started occurring everywhere, we became scared.” (1)



That Sunday was October 2nd, 2005, and the endless rain was due to the outer bands of tropical storm named Stan that was crossing the Yucatán Peninsula. “Hurricane Stan was the tenth hurricane of the 2005 season in the Atlantic Ocean… It was a relatively strong storm that, while it was established as a category 1 hurricane during a short period of time, caused floods and landslides in Mexico and Central America… The hurricane caused at least 1,620 deaths (1,500 in Guatemala). This places Stan above Hurricane Katrina with regards to confirmed deaths, and top of the list as the deadliest tropical system of the Atlantic hurricane season in 2005.” (2)



“Our greatest worry were the children, but we tried to hide our fear. The men met with the local mayor and decided to evacuate everyone because the danger was imminent. That was how on Wednesday [October 5th, 2005], we left with our children barely wrapped in sheets and the few belongings that we could carry.” (3)



“It was a terrible tragedy because we didn’t know what to do at the time. We felt we were sinking in the mud that was everywhere. Our sandals and shoes would slide off our feet and were lost in the mud. We were brought to the main town of Santa Catarina Ixtahuacán and were all packed in a small shelter as if we were sheep. There was great despair that lasted for many days.” (4)





Thanks to the solidarity of neighboring communities, and the sale and exchange of plots of land, the relocation of Xeabaj II to a new, much higher, site was completed on December 18th, 2005. “[This land] was not a donation from the municipality, or the government, or some organization. It was thanks to our effort and the support of neighboring communities that we managed to attain this piece of land.” (5)



“When we were already living here, some organizations gave us a few shacks that more or less sheltered us. But the winds were still very strong, and sometimes we would wake up with the canvas roof missing. In the end, we were still suffering. The emergency help was gone quickly, and we had to look for ways to survive. This was when we decided to organize ourselves better.” (6)



“Afterwards, several organizations offered us credit. But since we didn’t have jobs, we didn’t have an income to repay the loans. We didn’t want to indebt ourselves, so we didn’t accept. That was when we met Ramona from the NGO Oxlajuj B’atz’ and were able to start this women’s group to produce candles and textiles. Now, thanks to this project, we are receiving some support. We can’t say our work is perfect, but we are glad that we are moving ahead.” (7)



Lucía Chávez, Oxlajuj B’atz’ field supervisor, explains that the women’s project includes workshops on candle-making, thread-dyeing with natural pigments, textile production, small business management courses, personal health and wellbeing workshops, as well as organizational strengthening of the women’s group.







































“Here we don’t have large plots to grow enough produce to sell. All of our harvest is for local consumption. But it’s so cold here that only corn and potatoes grow. The little income we have is from the men who work as day laborers in other communities. We, the women, are in charge of sustaining the community.” (8)













“Now that we have these skills, we want to refine our work. We would also like to learn how to make handcrafted soap to sell, since it is widely used. But our greatest problem is the lack of market for our products. We need to develop a costumer base and find a market where we can sell our products.” (9)



For more information, support, and/or to purchase products made by the Xeabaj II women’s group, please contact:


www.oxlajujbatz.org

thirteenthreads@gmail.com

Ramona Kirschenman, director: ramonakir@yahoo.com



Versión en español aquí.



1 Interview with the Xeabaj II women’s group. Santa Catarina Ixtahuacán, Sololá, Guatemala. June 24th, 2009.

2 http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hurac%C3%A1n_Stan

3 Op Cit. Interview with the Xeabaj II women’s group.

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid.

6 Ibid.

7 Ibid.

8 Ibid.

9 Ibid.

Tuesday, September 29, 2009

Barrio La Union Leader Killed by CGN’s Security Agents in El Estor

Barrio La Union. El Estor, Izabal, Guatemala.

September 28th, 2009

Issues: Land / Mining / Impunity

(Unless indicated, all photographs were taken in June 2009)



As a result of a frustrated eviction attempt in the community of Las Nubes in El Estor, Izabal, Adolfo Ich Xaman (middle in photograph) was brutally shot and killed by private security guards subcontracted by the Guatemalan Nickel Company (CGN), local subsidiary of HudBay Minerals Inc., a Canadian mining company. Mr. Ich Xaman was chairman of the Community Committee for Development (COCODE) of the nearby Barrio La Union community, a primary school teacher, and brother-in-law of Ramiro Choc, a high profile imprisoned indigenous and peasant leader. During the attack, the following men were also shot and injured to varying degrees: Samuel Coc, Ricardo Tec, Alfredo Xi, Haroldo Cucul (left in the photograph), Alejandro Acté, Luciano Choc, Hector Choc y Guzman Chub.


According to a National Front for Struggle (Frente Nacional de Lucha in Spanish) communiqué, the events occurred as follows:


On the morning of Sunday, September 27th, 2009, the Departmental Governor, Luz Maribel Ramos, presented herself at the community of Las Nubes without previous warning. A pair of Civil National Police officers and approximately 20 private security agents subcontracted to CGN accompanied the Governess. Maribel Ramos claimed to represent the Government and ordered the community members to immediately vacate the area. According to local witnesses, she stated: “You do not pay taxes. CGN does.” The Governess did not have an official eviction order nor any other document issued by a judge. Therefore, her orders lacked legal backing.


Community members argued that CGN had failed to fulfill any of the previously accorded agreements set by previous negotiations. In the midst of such argument, community members of the neighboring Barrio La Union arrived and offered their solidarity. The Governess left the premises along with her entourage.


Residents of Las Nubes and La Union then initiated a walk towards El Estor so as to denounce the illegal eviction attempt to local municipal authorities, to the Human Rights Ombudsman’s office (PDH in Spanish), and to gather more support from other local groups. However, they never arrived to their destination.


Upon arriving to the community of El Chupon, the group of nine men was ambushed by CGN’s private security agents under the orders of Mynor Bonilla and an engineer identified as Otto. Adolfo Ich Xaman, a primary school teacher, was killed as a result of such savage aggression. Hours after the attack and well into the evening, officers from the public prosecutor’s office (Ministerio Publico in Spanish) had still not arrived.



The community of Barrio La Union suffered three violent evictions at the hands of CGN in 2006 and 2007, including the one of January 8, 2007 (photograph of Haroldo Cucul, right, during such event). The land struggle between Maya Q’eqchi’ communities and the Canadian mining company has unleashed a severe and extremely worrisome conflict in the region.


For more information on the conflict and problems caused by the reactivation of the former Exmibal nickel mine, known today as the Fenix project, please view and read the following photo essays:


The Eternal Struggle for Land

Eviction Day

Canadian Mining Company Orders Eviction of Indigenous Communities

Barrio La Revolucion Burns

Eviction Despite Dubious Legal Status

Canadian Ambassador to Guatemala Spreads Misinformation About Mining Issues

We Are Not Squatters, We Are Natives of Guatemala

El Estor Evictions: 6 Months Later

Lake Izabal: Majestic Life Source Flowing Towards its Death

Mining Resistance Continues in El Estor: Barrio La Union



In June 2009, MiMundo.org visited Barrio La Unión and was pleasantly surprised to see how the community had grown and how well they had been using the lands that the mining company wishes to claim for its own use. The following photographs document the visit to the community, approximately three months ago.





Nevertheless, in a meeting with the two main community leaders, Mr. Adolfo Xaman (RIP) and Haroldo Cucul, I was given a document that stated:



We, the people of Barrio La Unión, in El Estor, Department of Izabal, express our concern over the current situation and call the attention of the President and members of Congress to the violation of our indigenous rights, which are protected under Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization.


We are a community of 200 families who have settled on a piece of land that is said to belong to the Guatemalan Nickel Company. The place where we established our community was abandoned when we arrived. CGN began to pressure us and it has been able to do as it pleases - carrying out illegal evictions, destroying our homes – while no one from the local authorities or any organization has taken any action. No one said anything when we were violently evicted, nor did anyone come to our defense. We have been treated inhumanely.



Here, families living in poverty do not have even a small plot of land to call their own where they can build a roof over their heads and pass their days and night with their children in dignity. Our community has many necessities that our authorities must verify. We have widows in need of support, malnourished children, land titles that must be legalized promptly, lack of potable water, dirt roads, lack of electricity.





As of mid-2007, and throughout the following two years, CGN changed its posture and pushed for participation in so-called “dialogue tables”. Violent evictions and harassment of local leaders from surrounding Maya Q’eqchi’ communities ceased significantly.



Communities such as Barrio La Union, La Paz, and Barrio La Revolucion managed significant growth in terms of population and agricultural production. Nevertheless, the indigenous communities also began to seriously doubt the true intentions behind such dialogue tables. They strongly suspected CGN was only trying to buy time as this period coincided with a period of industrial inactivity due to well-documented financial problems faced by Canadian parent company Sky Resources. Such financial difficulties resulted in the takeover by current majority stockholder HudBay Minerals Inc. in 2008.





Mrs. Jesusa Ixtecoc Juarez, who courageously attempted to resist the destruction of her humble living quarters during the January 2007 evictions (see photo-essay), has managed to build and upkeep a small general store within Barrio La Union. Her case is one of many that clearly displays positive results from the community’s hard work and resistance.



Appropriately, her store is called “La Union”.









A few weeks ago, on September 11th, community leaders from Barrio La Union, Barrio La Revolucion, La Pista, La Ceiba, Roberto Dala, El Chupon (all in the municipality of El Estor, Izabal), as well as from La Paz, Quebrada Seca, San Julian Vista Hermosa and Chacpayla Lote 8 (all in the municipality of Panzos, Alta Verapaz), released an uncompromising communiqué declaring their cohesion against CGN in which they primarily stated the following:


The meetings during the so-called Dialogue Tables with CGN have not yielded any positive results, as most of the accepted measures by CGN having to do with the ownership of land have not been respected. These futile discussions have only delayed the legal processes… We do not accept any more Dialogue Tables… We demand that the mining company leave our territories in a peaceful manner immediately… In case the company does not comply with our demands stated in this document, we will have to take drastic measures to make sure it does.


The full communiqué can be found here (in Spanish only).



Only 17 days after the release of such communiqué, such violent events are carried out in El Estor which culminate with the death of a key local leader, Adolfo Ich Xaman, and the hospitalization of eight more.





Furthermore, a day after the events in El Estor, Rights Action had coincidentally scheduled a disaster prevention workshop in Coban, Alta Verapaz that included several local leaders from most of the previously mentioned communities. At a place, known as the Devil’s corner, on the road between La Tinta and Tucuru, men armed with machine guns opened fire on the mini-bus from all sides. Nine men were emitted with bullet wounds and according to Rights Action, Martin Choc, auxiliary mayor of the “Lote 8” community (another of the communities evicted violently on January 2007), has been apparently killed.



Adolfo Ich Xaman (RIP) and Haroldo Cucul during the 30th anniversary of the Committee for Peasant Unity (CUC), April 2008.



February 2008: Adolfo Ich Xaman (bottom left) with Barrio La Unión community members commemorating the violent eviction's first anniversary.



More Information:

Recent killings linked to Canadian-owned nickel mine in Guatemala, by Dawn Paley



Versión en español aquí.