Ambush-Protest at Mejia Victores’ Home

Guatemala City, Guatemala.
May 3, 2008.
Issue: Impunity / Justice / Historic Memory

“Revealed in May 1999, a declassified document deemed the Military Diary describes a number of human rights violations directly ordered by former General Humberto Mejia Victores during his tenure as Dictator from 1982 to 1985. The torture, abduction and forced disappearance of 170 Guatemalans are clearly described in such document and form part of the more than 45,000 forced disappearances carried out by state security forces during the internal armed conflict.” (1)

“To this date, no military leader has been judged for crimes against humanity. As a result, we Guatemalans find the need to develop our own methods to point out those who have committed state terrorism so that they will not die under the blanket of impunity or forgetfulness.” (2)


“What is an ambush-protest? It is a tool used to seek and denounce publicly those criminals who have not been processed by due law. By using the mobilization of masses, artistic expression and the spread of consciousness, these criminals are signaled and ridiculed in their own social, economic, and political spaces.” (3)

“The ambush-protests promote the rescue of collective and historical memory by granting friends and family members of war-time victims and survivors a public tribune for expression; one which the justice system has denied them over the years.” (4)

“State terrorism and its consequential limitation of civil liberties was financed by the oligarchy and carried out by the Guatemalan armed forces. The tally from such policies left over 250,000 mortal victims and nearly 45,000 detained-disappeared during the war.” (5)

“We are trying to vindicate justice from a people’s perspective so as to empower those who have been denied such sought-after justice. Until now, the warped justice we have lived under has constantly sold itself out in courthouses and has been protected with fire arms.” (6)


The Problem of Militarism in Guatemala

“We define militarism as the use of an organized state force so as to confront diverse social, political, and economic issues. In Guatemala, such task has been delegated to the Army.” (7)

“As all social processes, Guatemala’s militarism must be contemplated within its historical context. In other words, it is imperative to analyze how the structures of power that control and nurture the armed forces have positioned themselves and continued to gain space in the political, social and economic arenas within the country. Such path of attained power by the armed forces began in the liberal era all through the internal armed conflict and has culminated in a reconfiguration of state-run power structures which impose authoritarianism, impunity and injustice.” (8)

“The considerate rise in military spending, the army’s participation in the regional race for technologically-improved military equipment, the application of national task forces, and recent participation in so-called international peace-keeping forces (such as the ones ran by the UN), can only reiterate that the Guatemalan Army continues to be an institution with the same political and warlike power as it was during the war years.” (9)

“Since its inception, the army has been closely tied to the dominant classes. Hence, it provides a vital support to the economic plans of neoliberal capitalism. Even when power disputes have arisen between these two groups, truces are often reached so as to suppress Guatemalan society in order to force this latter one to kneel down before certain political and economic interests. As both the oligarchy and army clearly showed during the internal armed conflict, they are both capable and willing to unleash the most horrific national holocaust so as to perpetuate themselves as lords of politics, culture and economy over the rest of Guatemalan society.” (10)

“Due to a conscientious vision of our history in addition to a dignified legacy of social struggles seeking true freedom and a fairer life, we have been forced to generate strategies destined to break the silence. Strategies which will confront, denounce, and act against those responsible for horrendous war crimes, the Genocide carried out in Guatemala, impunity, and what seems like an imminent remilitarization of the country.” (11)

“As a result, we demand: The immediate removal of the Army from our streets – no more combined Police and Military forces; The annulment of decree 40-2000 which legalizes Army members to patrol our streets in conjunction with National Civil Police officers.” (12)

“We demand the abolition of the June 30th [Army Day] and September 15th [Independence Day] military parades. Such display of force by the Army to Guatemalan society can only be considered offensive and a clear signal of impunity as the institution has been signaled for crimes against humanity by several justice systems [both at national and international levels]... It is paradoxical that after the signing of the Peace Accords [which ended a 36-year war] we still have such displays which contribute to the institutionalization of violence and totalitarianism in a country seeking to build democratic processes.” (13)

“Access to the military archives is also a must. We, as Guatemalans, hold a historic right to investigate, reconstruct, rescue, and assign state funds so as to clarify what truly occurred and seek genuine justice in those cases involving forced disappearances, massacres, extrajudicial executions, torture, and genocide.” (14)

“We ask all national and international organizations, Guatemalan citizens, and international solidarity members to pronounce themselves against the Genocidal Army, against its controlling hierarchies and against its symbols so that once and for all the armed forces will exit our schools, exit our streets, and exit our history.” (15)

Please contact the following emails if you wish to collaborate with H.I.J.O.S. Guatemala in order to stop all military parades or with any other action related to the current campaign: We do not want to arm you, We want to demilitarize you:

hijosguatemala@gmail.com / trincheradelamemoria@gmail.com

For Memory, Truth and Justice
We don’t forget, we don’t forgive, we won’t reconcile
-H.I.J.O.S. Guatemala
(Acronym for: Sons and Daughters for Identity and Justice, against Forgetfulness and Silence)

Versión en español aquí.


1 HIJOS Guatemala. “3ra Embuscada al General Asesino Mejía Victores”; Flyer. Guatemala, May 2008.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid.
5 HIJOS Guatemala. “Ante la Impunidad Militar, Justicia Popular”; Comuniqué. Guatemala, May 2008.
6 Ibid.
7 HIJOS Guatemala. “No Queremos Armarte, Queremos Desmilitarizarte”; Comuniqué. Guatemala, May 2008.
8 Ibid.
9 Ibid.
10 Ibid.
11 Ibid.
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
15 Ibid.

Monsignor Gerardi: 10 Years of Martyrdom

Guatemala City, Guatemala.
April 26, 2008.
Issue: Impunity / Historical Memory

“Monsignor Juan Jose Gerardi Conodera, former Auxiliary Bishop in the Archdiocese of Guatemala, was brutally murdered on April 26, 1998, in the garage of San Sebastian Church’s parochial house. Two days earlier, Monsignor Gerardi had presented the Recuperation of Historic Memory (REMHI) report: Guatemala Never Again. A compilation of testimonies and other documents, the REMHI report relates the atrocities carried out mostly against indigenous poor civilians during the 36-year internal conflict which left over 200,000 mortal victims.” (1)

“Those who could not tolerate the truth cut down the life of a man who, by doing so, made of Monsignor a true witness who signed the veracity of the report with his own blood.” (2)

“Since we want to contribute to the construction of a different country, we have recuperated the memory of the people. This path has been and continues to be full of risks and perils. But the construction of the Kingdom of God is also full of risks and perils, and only the builders are strong enough to face them.” (3)

Versión en español aquí.


1 González, Mariano. “Las muertes de Monseñor Juan Gerardi: Ensayo sobre la batalla en torno a la memoria del Obispo”. Guatemala, April 29, 2008 (http://www.albedrio.org/htm/articulos/m/mgonzalez-005.htm).
2 Saravia Valdés, Raquel. “Monseñor Juan Gerardi”. Guatemala, April 29, 2008 (http://www.albedrio.org/htm/noticias/adital290408.htm).
3 Excerpt from Monseñor Gerardi’s speech during the presentation of the REMHI report; April 26, 1998.

Grand Peasant March: 30 years of the CUC

Los Encuentros, Solola, to Guatemala City.
April 12-15, 2008.
Issue: Landless / Indigenous and Community Rights / Resistance


April 12, 2008:

9:15 Los Encuentros, Solola.
The Indigenous and Peasant March for the Sovereignty of our People and the Defense of Mother Nature, officially known as the Yell for Mother Earth, began its 80-mile journey (127 kilometers) along the Pan-American Highway on April 12th. Leaving at dawn from Los Encuentros, Solola, the march was to arrive at Guatemala City three days later. The event was organized by the historic Committee for Peasant Union (CUC) in commemoration to its 30th anniversary.

10:45 Near the border with Chimaltenango, Solola.
The march began with roughly 1,000 participants who came together to “protest the policies which intend to deprive indigenous communities from the use of their own lands and the natural riches in their own territories [as well as] for the respect of Mother Nature, life, and justice.” (1)


10:55 Near the border with Chimaltenango, Solola.
Mayan Kakchikel women watch as the march passes through their community.

11:02 Kilometer 116, Solola.
A few meters from the Solola-Chimaltenango border, the march made a brief stop to pay homage to Teodoro Saloj Panjoj who was killed by State security forces during a rally organized by the National Coordination for Peasant Organizations (CNOC) on October 10, 2000. “Our companion Teodoro is considered a martyr who gave his life for the development of rural areas.” (2)

14:50 Near Zaculeu, Chimaltenango.
“We want to reiterate that 30 years after the emergence of the CUC, the conditions which gave origin to the CUC remain: the struggle for land, the struggle for just salaries and fair working conditions in the plantations, the struggle to end militarization throughout the country, discrimination and racism towards the indigenous peoples. We add the struggle to defend our territories. Today we are caught up in a real battle between international corporations who seek to seize Guatemala’s natural resources and local peoples who are determined to defend their territories.” (3)

17:42 Near Agua Escondida, Chimaltenango.
With only a couple of kilometers left before arriving to the City of Chimaltenango, a sudden shower poured over the march. Most were not prepared for such powerful storm.

19:26 Tecpan, Chimaltenango.
CUC director Daniel Pascual thanks the City of Tecpan for the warm welcome as well as the lodging: “The sectors of power seeking to enrich themselves even more and the sectors of the population who resist and fight for the right to live, are involved in a very real conflict which worsens on a daily basis. Such statement is evident when the State favors actions which plunder Mother Nature, such as the authorization of oil and mining exploitation licenses, the introduction of genetically modified products, the deviation and robbing of rivers, contamination of water sources, construction of colossal dams and of mega-projects.” (4)

20:02 Tecpan, Chimaltenango.
Members of the march rest on the floor of Tecpan’s municipal gym after a long day where roughly 30 kilometers were walked.

20:06 Tecpan, Chimaltenango.
Despite the fatigue, cold weather, and having been soaked by the pouring rain, comrades from the much warmer Southern Coast region convey their positive spirits before sleeping.

April 13, 2008:

6:57 Tecpan, Chimaltenango.
The march retakes its course on the second morning.

7:15 Tecpan, Chimaltenango.
Founded in 1470, Iximche was the principal Mayan Kakchikel city before the arrival of the Spanish. The word literally means “corn tree” (ixim = corn, che = tree). Due to the alliance developed between the Spanish and the Kakchikel shortly after the arrival of the former, a stronghold was built two kilometers from Iximche. Named Tecpan, the stronghold became a city and is considered Guatemala’s first capital.

On March 12, 2007, U.S. President George W. Bush visited the now archeological site and sacred ceremonial grounds of Iximche. Immediately after his visit, Mayan Priests “cleansed” the sacred site due to the “evil spirits” brought by the North American head of state. (5)

7:16 Tecpan, Chimaltenango.
Members of HIJOS (Acronym for: Sons and Daughters for Identity and Justice, against Forgetfulness and Silence) joined the march in solidarity during most of the walk. In addition to HIJOS, a long list of social and international organizations made their presence during the event by either walking along, participating in events, or by serving as observers. Among these were: Uk’u’x B’e Mayan Association, CNOC, CCDA, Encuentro Campesino, Guillermo Toriello Foundation (FGT), FLACSO, CONGCOOP, Caja Ludica, URNG Youth, RAIS Network, Human Rights Ombudsman Office (PDH), Peace Brigades International (PBI), CAIG/ACOGUATE, NISGUA, and members from the Via Campesina and CLOC, who came from Mexico, El Salvador, Nicaragua and Honduras.

7:29 Tecpan, Chimaltenango.
Mother Earth shall neither be bought nor sold... It shall be regained and defended!
Against evictions and repression... Higher organization!
No to mining... Yes to life!
People who take upon the struggle... Are people who triumph!

11:05 Near Santa Cruz Balanya, Chimaltenango.
The rainy weather continued during the second morning despite being extremely rare for this season. Nevertheless, on this occasion, most participants were prepared.

12:16 Near Patzicia, Chimaltenango.
“Lately we are living under an institutionalized State repression personified by the National Civil Police (PNC), the Army, the Judicial Courts, and the District Attorney’s Office. Peasant farmers who defend their territory and fight to protect their land are being tagged as delinquents and terrorists, and ultimately pursued and oppressed as have been the recent cases of San Juan Sacatepequez and Livingston. Likewise, citizens who oppose the rising costs of basic-need items and fuel are also being signaled as trouble makers.” (6)

15:31 “December 29” Community, Chimaltenango.
Community members from the “December 29” Community, in the Municipality of Zaragoza, prepared an extraordinary event to welcome the march. The lunchtime activities included food, music, and inspiring speeches.

15:36 “December 29” Community, Chimaltenango.
The community, which took its name from the historic date when the Peace Accords that ended the 36-year internal conflict were signed in 1996, is mostly composed of former combatants from different sects of the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity (URNG) as well as their families. At the center square rises a statue honoring all revolutionary combatants. On this occasion special occasion the effigy was adorned with CUC handkerchief and hat.

15:45 “December 29” Community, Chimaltenango.
Children from the local community cheer the march participants with songs which included several historic CUC hymns.

15:47 “December 29” Community, Chimaltenango.
Community member Mr. Salomon states: “We declare our support for your peasant struggle because even though we have our little homes here, we do not have land to cultivate. Many of us are forced to work in the factories, in the maquilas (known for sweatshop conditions). The roots which gave way to the struggle and internal armed conflict have not changed!”

15:54 “December 29” Community, Chimaltenango.
The historic Pablo Ceto declared: “The CUC’s ultimate challenge is the production of land in a communal way. The CUC has access to many landholdings and must promote the cultivation of these as our Mayan ancestors did.” Ceto co-founded the CUC in the late 1970s. But during the 1980s he abandoned the organization and joined the armed revolutionary struggle, climbing through the ranks of the Guerrilla Army of the Poor (EGP) and eventually becoming one of its commanders. After the Peace Accords, Ceto has served as congressman for the URNG Party as well as a member of its national coordination.

16:32 Near Zaragoza, Chimaltenango.
Some march members take a short break by hanging from this microbus.

18:01 Chimaltenango, Chimaltenango.
Two young boys observe the march as it enters the urban area of the City of Chimaltenango. Behind them, a terribly misspelled sign subtly screams out harsh truths about Guatemalan society: “Forbidden to dump dead dogs here”.

18:28 Chimaltenango, Chimaltenango.
The Grand Peasant March arrives at the City of Chimaltenango’s central square and is received by the Uk’u’x B’e Mayan Association to the sound of marimba.

April 14, 2008:

16:27 Near Mixco, Guatemala.
The march passes by the landmark Mirador (lookout point) along the Pan-American Highway between San Lucas and Mixco. After walking 101 kilometers in three days, the final destination is finally in sight: Guatemala City.

16:40 Near Mixco, Guatemala.
During a short break before the final decent into the metropolitan area, a man from Solola decides to continue barefoot due to the blisters caused by his shoes.

16:44 Near Mixco, Guatemala.
Throughout the march, all municipalities had cooperated by allowing the use of public areas and provided crude yet safe lodging. Nevertheless, only a few kilometers from arriving to Mixco, what was to be this evening’s stop, the local mayor cancelled all previous permits for the march. Due to great efforts, in particular by University of San Carlos (USAC) students, participants were able to divert their route and spend the night at the Metropolitan University Center (CUM) which is essentially the USAC’s medical school grounds.


April 15, 2008:

10:04 CUM, Guatemala City.
Along different strategic points throughout the march numerous supporters kept joining along. On this final morning of the protest, nearly 3,000 people arrived from throughout the country.

11:51 Liberacion Avenue, Guatemala City.
Approximately 5,000 protesters walk towards the Obelisk in the heart of the financial district.

12:10 Avenida Reforma, Guatemala City.
The march circles the Obelisk and heads towards downtown via Reforma Avenue.

12:35 Avenida Reforma, Guatemala City.
The Grand Peasant March makes a stop in front of the United States Embassy to protest this country’s policies which have impacted Guatemala’s history in a colossal manner. The graffiti reads: “SOA Watch Present in Guatemala”, a reference to the independent organization that seeks to close the US Army School of the Americas. Such facility provided strategies and training for high ranking military officers who terrorized Latin America via military dictatorships throughout the continent the past century.

13:05 Zone 4, Guatemala City.
For a complete agrarian reform... 30 years of peasant struggle!
Against the high costs of everyday life... An organized struggle is our path!
Organized and combative...The people united will never be defeated!

13:11 Zone 4, Guatemala City.
The Yell for Mother Earth passes by Guatemala City’s Mayor’s Office.

13:21 Zone 1, Guatemala City.
The Grand Peasant March enters the historic centre of the capital city and heads towards the National Congress. “We have not come to ask for dialogue roundtables, we are not here to present any declarations to the government, we have not come to speak with the congress members but to have them listen to us, and we have not come here to plead anything to the CACIF (Coordinating Committee for Agricultural, Commercial, Industrial and Financial Associations). We are here to speak with all Guatemalan society, with the indigenous peoples, with those who are not indigenous, with housewives, with factory workers, all laborers, the popular social movement, the landless, the homeless, student organizations, women’s groups. We believe it is the right time to refocus ourselves, to rethink, to reestablish the popular social movement in Guatemala as this neo-liberal policy is here to stay.” (7)

14:02 Zone 1, Guatemala City.
Once at the steps of the Congress building, the protesters demanded that a small delegation of the legislative body to come out and listen to their statements.

14:18 Zone 1, Guatemala City.
A small group of congress members, which included Nineth Montenegro, stepped outside promptly to hear Daniel Pascual’s words: “We believe that community consultations are the use of reason, the use of a group of people’s word of honor, and a direct manifestation of local people’s rejection to the plunder of their territory. When the State does not recognize such consultations as binding, it only leaves the path to widespread disobedience. And such actions only precede other struggles, other uprisings, which are not going to be pacific. We are here to warn: the people are tired of declarations, tired of having their community consultations ignored, tired of dysfunctional dialogue roundtables and high level commissions.”

14:34 Zone 1, Guatemala City.
After reading a number of demands to the congress members, the march walked by the Metropolitan Cathedral and headed towards the Presidential Palace.

14:57 Zone 1, Guatemala City.
Once at the Presidential Palace, the protesters demanded their reception by anyone working for the executive branch. Their sole intention was to read a number of statements and to formally present a written declaration by community members from San Juan Sacatepequez, a town which recently lived serious repression by State security forces due to a conflict with Cementos Progreso, a Guatemalan company owned by the powerful Novella family. Nevertheless, as the minutes went by, no one came out from the Presidential Palace and the gate remained locked.

15:08 Zone 1, Guatemala City.
As desperation began to set in, Daniel Pascual decides to hop the fence and formally ring the bell.

15:09 Zone 1, Guatemala City.
This woman from the coastal city of Coatepeque proclaims: “Justice! President Colom is corrupt and a murderer! He sold himself out to the corporations and companies! Our corn is very expensive! And yet he wants us to grow yellow corn for [bio-fuels for] cars while we eat genetically modified Maseca! “

15:15 Zone 1, Guatemala City.
“Those of us who took upon the struggle in the 70s, 80s and 90s were called communists and guerrillas. Today, those who defend Mother Earth are tagged as delinquents and terrorists. This is by no means a play on words, but the application of militarization, of the criminalization of the indigenous and peasant movements in order to allow these companies to achieve their interests in our territories. This is why we are always going to be viewed as the bad ones: the poor, those who struggle to protect our resources; they are pursued by the law. What about the drug traffickers? What about the military assassins who carried out the scorched earth campaigns? What about the white collar criminals like the bankers who have kept the money of the poorest of the poor? What about corrupt government officials who drain the government spending funds and prevent public investment to reach our communities?” (8)

15:34 Zone 1, Guatemala City.
The sign from San Juan Sacatepequez community members reads: “We are citizens, not delinquents. We defend Mother Earth and our children for the right to consultation and information. We condemn the oppression we have suffered! We demand the resignation of the national director from the District Attorney’s Office (MP in Spanish). We repudiate a State at the service of a company and a family. MP & PNC: at the service of Cementos Progreso”.

15:41 Zone 1, Guatemala City.
After waiting for more than an hour and receiving false hopes from a presidential secretary, the multitude lost its patience and attempted to knock down the entrance door to the Presidential Palace. Their only wish was to present a memorial document of the events in San Juan Sacatepequez.

15:45 Zone 1, Guatemala City.
An hour and 15 minutes passed and no one came out to receive such document. The march moved on and left at the presidential doorstep a cardboard coffin with the name of Mario Caal, community leader from Livingston, Izabal, executed last month by members of the National Civil Police (for more on this story, please view and read the photo-essay: Crisis along the Rio Dulce: The Death of Mario Caal).

16:19 Zone 1, Guatemala City.
The Grand Peasant March finally concluded in Guatemala City’s central square with a series of events which included a fair trade produce market, information booths, and several concerts.

After four long days, Daniel Pascual concludes: “In essence, what is at stake is the future of life itself: The life of all human beings, of Mother Earth. Corporations are interested in oil, mining and hydro-electrical power due to Mother Earth’s capacity to produce energy. Yet this is done without any regards to the welfare of indigenous peoples, of peasant farmers, not caring if the people from rural areas starve to death or have their biodiversity or ecosystems destroyed, if their seeds and water are privatized. Hence, what we truly believe is at risk is the future of human life and its future generations. It is no longer just an ideological or political stance. It is a profound feeling that the existence of Mother Nature is in danger.”

Official poster of The Indigenous and Peasant March for the Sovereignty of our People and the Defense of Mother Nature which commemorated 30 years of the CUC.

For more information (Spanish only): http://www.cuc.org.gt/
To contact the CUC (English OK): cuc@intelnett.com

Versión en español aquí.


1 Comité de Unión Campesina (CUC) ¡Grito por la Madre Tierra! Flier distributed by CUC members during the march.
2 Interview with Daniel Pascual, director of CUC. Guatemala, April 15, 2008.
3 Ibid.
4 CUC ¡Grito por la Madre Tierra! Official CUC communiqué. Guatemala, April 11, 2008. (http://www.cuc.org.gt/comunicado_09.html)
5 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iximch%C3%A9
6 CUC, Official communiqué. Op. Cit.
7 Interview with Daniel Pascual, director of CUC. Guatemala, April 15, 2008.
8 Ibid.

Grand Peasant March: Faces and Details

Los Encuentros, Solola, to Guatemala City.
April 12-15, 2008.
Issue: Landless / Indigenous and Community Rights / Resistance

Versión en español aquí.

Crisis along the Rio Dulce: The Death of Mario Caal

La Ensenada Puntarenas Hamlet. Livingston, Izabal, Guatemala.
March 18, 2008.
Issue: Justice / Impunity / Land

The imposing Rio Dulce (Sweet River), a spectacular body of water which connects Lake Izabal with the Caribbean port city of Livingston, measures approximately 35 kilometers (or 22 miles) in length. Such trajectory is without a doubt one of Guatemala’s principal tourist attractions. Nevertheless, this same area has witnessed during the past month the development of a transcendental conflict which, appropriately analyzed, reveals the somber truth beneath current Guatemalan internal affairs.

“At the bottom of this conflict we can find a number of intertwined economic interests for the use of land in the region where basic survival needs of entire communities cross paths with environmentally protected areas as well as tourist projects. Additionally, powerful interests in mining, livestock, and the agricultural development of African Palm [presumably for bio-fuels], also play important roles in the area. This is just one more of the many conflicts which have arisen in Izabal which underline the urgent need to find a solution for the agrarian land problem – one which has been a source of conflict in successive governments.” (1)

On March 15th, combined police-military raids took place in communities affiliated to the local peasant organization named Encuentro Campesino (Peasant Encounter). In La Ensenada Puntarenas Hamlet, the violent incursion ended with the tragic extrajudicial execution of local peasant leader Mario Caal Bolom by the State security forces. (Photo of Mario Caal’s body as he was found: Anti-Imperialist Block). (2)

Last month’s events, such as the retention of 29 police officers and 4 Belgian tourists by local Maya Q’eqchi’ indigenous peasants demanding the liberation of Encuentro Campesino’s leader Ramiro Choc in addition to the legalization of their communities’ land status, are clearly illegal and highly desperate measures which can only indicate growing despair. Choc’s own legal status, accused of usurping landholdings, must be cleared by the judicial system, as many irregularities have been pronounced on both ends. Nevertheless, the extrajudicial execution of a local peasant by the State’s security forces is a clear and direct violation of human rights.

“Although the media and official State vision have personified and focused the conflict in Izabal around the figure of Ramiro Choc and his supposedly criminal activities, it is necessary to take a close look at the structural factors of the conflict: First, the unequal distribution of land and wealth, both at national and local levels. One can only expect serious conflicts, even violent ones, in a country where 2% of the land owners posses 62.5% of the surface, while 94% of the population (including the indigenous peasants from Izabal) only have access to 18.60%.” (3)

During the wake and burial of Mario Caal Bolom, several community members of La Ensenada Puntarenas shared their experiences and views of the regional problematic as well as the violent events in their community.

“Here, we are neither taking over nor invading any land. This community is the inheritance of our ancestors, of the elders who died in order to leave us this territory. Why does the government tag us as if we were occupying or invading land? No, this is part of the history of La Ensenada Puntarenas. This community was registered on February 21, 1940. I have the file right there. The CONAP (National Council of Protected Areas) and CECON (Center for Conservationist Studied) also have copies. But now they call us squatters and claim we are occupying land which belongs to someone else. No, what happens is that the State does this so as to avoid giving land to the peasants.” (4)

“No, Gentlemen. We are a community with a history, with facts. We are a peasant group which did not organize itself yesterday. Hence, we deeply feel the spilling of blood of our friend and neighbor. We hope the State of Guatemala assumes its responsibility. Our brother Mario left a family; he left children behind; he left a number of responsibilities. Who will look after them now? What will his children do now? What about his wife?” (5)

“The Police and Army charged into our community in a violent manner directly against us. They broke into our homes, smashed windows, and mistreated our women. [The State security forces] believed [the Belgian tourists] withheld were here, but they were mistaken. We as a community specifically denied participating in their restraining. Why didn’t they enter our community peacefully to dialogue first? Even the representative from the Human Rights Ombudsman Office (PDH, in Spanish) was physically beaten. The Government of Guatemala has carried out a terrible injustice.” (6)

Mario Caal Bolom was 29 years old and belonged to the Educational Commission of the Community Committee for Development.

Mario Caal’s relatives, including his mother, painfully grieve as community members carry his coffin towards the cemetery.

According to eyewitnesses, the death of Mario Caal was not accidental, but in fact an “extrajudicial execution by members of the National Civil Police (PNC) who knew Mario was a community leader and because he expressed himself well in Spanish.” (It is important to note that most Maya Q’eqchi’ indigenous peoples speak a limited amount of Spanish; some none at all). Additionally, Mario served as an observer during the liberation of the 29 police officers withheld at nearby and fellow Encuentro Campesino member community Creek Maya in late February. Considering all these factors, local community members are convinced that Mario was previously pointed out by the security forces and therefore his death was by no means accidental. (7)

“It is very painful for us to remember our history. This event reminds us too well how the [36-year] internal armed conflict began. They started then. And today, once again, they intimidate us. Gentlemen, we are deeply troubled to think that members of the PNC tortured, strangled, and, in an effort to erase all evidence, eventually shot at close range with a tear-gas canister the dead body of our brother, our friend, our brother-in-law.” (8)

“Do you really think we are such idiots that we do not think things over? No Gentlemen, do not make that mistake about us. It is true, we are poor and humble. But we are not incapable. We truly hope the State has the capacity to provide meaningful information about the PNC and Army members who violently entered here in Puntarenas. Even though we see this as a difficult task as everyone is trying to wash their hands from the blame.” (9)

As the events unfolded, an informational confusion developed at national level as the Ministry of the Interior, the President’s office, and the PDH all released different versions of the events. The Ministry of the Interior declared openly that the liberation of the Belgian tourists was a complete success while denying both the death of Mario Caal as well as the exchange of illegally detained peasants for the Belgians. (10)

Meanwhile, both the Presidency and the PDH admitted that State security forces captured three peasants, including Ramiro Choc’s wife, without previous orders of arrest and eventually exchanged them for the release of the Belgian tourists. (11)

“Rolando Yoc, member of the PDH who was present in Puntarenas, Livingston, openly declared Mario Caal’s death as an “extrajudicial assassination. The community kept Caal’s body for 19 hours at the scene of the crime while waiting for the arrival of members from the District Attorney’s office, who never showed up.” (12)

“The population of Puntarenas suffered a complete psychological stomping. People here now live in fear. When a coast guard boat speeds by, or community members see Police officers, they feel like running into the jungle and hide.” (13)

“Here, we are condemned. We find ourselves in an alley without exit. There are no opportunities. On the contrary, opportunities are taken away from us on a daily basis. Oppression continues everyday. In which security force are we to trust if the Police are the same ones who kill us? Only in the time of military dictatorships did things like this occur, like in 1982. Hence, it is very difficult to remember and accept... We are genuinely worried about our welfare and safety. I believe history will judge. Let justice punish. Allow the truth to condemn.” (14)

“Until now, in this conflict, the State has been the only one that has killed. It is imperative to understand such acts of desperation [such as the retention of police officers and Belgian tourists], which are caused by the lack of justice, poverty, and legal status of their lands.” (15)


Versión en español aquí.
In Japanese: 日本語で。

1 Reynolds, Louisa. “Izabal es nuevamente escenario de conflictividad agraria”. Inforpress Centroamericana, No. 1742. 29/02/2008.
2 Perdomo, Edwin. “Izabal: Controversia por campesino muerto durante la incursión de la fuerza pública”. Prensa Libre, Guatemala, March 17, 2008. http://www.prensalibre.com/pl/2008/marzo/17/226849.html
3 Cabanas, Andrés. http://www.albedrio.org/htm/articulos/acabanas-079.htm
4 Interview with the Auxiliary Mayor of La Ensenada Puntarenas; March 18, 2008.
5 Interview with first resident of La Ensenada Puntarenas who prefers to remain anonymous; March 18, 2008.
6 Ibid.
7 Interview with second resident of La Ensenada Puntarenas who prefers to remain anonymous; March 18, 2008.
8 Interview with third resident of La Ensenada Puntarenas who prefers to remain anonymous; March 18, 2008.
9 Ibid.
10 “No hubo canje de capturados por rehenes, asegura ministro de Gobernación”. Prensa Libre, Guatemala, March 18, 2008. (http://www.prensalibre.com/pl/2008/marzo/18/227321.html).
11 “Secuestradores canjean a turistas por campesinos”. elPeriodico, Guatemala. March 16, 2008. (http://www.elperiodico.com.gt/es/20080316/pais/50586/).
12 Perdomo. Op. Cit.
13 Interview with fourth resident of La Ensenada Puntarenas who prefers to remain anonymous; March 18, 2008.
14 Ibid.
15 Interview with member of Guatemalan human rights organization who prefers to remain anonymous; March 20, 2008.

Procession of the Laying Christ of the Calvary

Guatemala City, Guatemala.
March 21, 2008. Good Friday.
Issue: Society / Culture

The religious processions of Antigua Guatemala during Easter have been well documented and are renowned throughout the world. Nevertheless, the ones carried out in the Capital City are also very impressive not only in size and attendance, but very colorful and of great importance within Guatemalan culture and its Catholic community.

Multiple processions are attended by “thousands of Catholic parishioners who reenact the life, passion, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ during the Easter celebrations.” (1)

Detail of a carriage representing Death.

“The carpets, made out of sawdust, flowers or fruits, constitute one of the most important characteristics of the Guatemalan celebrations of Easter. These lengthy and extraordinary carpets, unique to Guatemalan culture, form part of the so-called popular ephemeral art and are intertwined with the collective memory of every Guatemalan. It is a clear example of the religious and cultural syncretism.” (2)

“Their origin comes from two sources: during Pre-Hispanic times, Spanish documentarians from the 16th century as well as written indigenous testimonies, recorded that local lords and priests would, on certain ceremonies, walk over carpets made from flowers, pine needles and feathers from precious birds such as quetzals, hummingbirds, and macaws... In addition, there is also the Spanish influence from the Canary Islands, in particular from Tererife and Gomera, where large carpets were created since remote times. A testimony from the 7th century reveals colorful dirt passageways with flowers and different types of sand.” (3)

Of all the celebrations in Guatemala City, the one featuring a gigantic wooden platform with a lying down Jesus Christ, known as the image of the Buried Lord, definitely stands out.

Every Good Friday, such platform is paraded around the historical centre of the Capital City, known as Zone 1, and it is considered the largest in the world as it requires 140 people to carry it.

“The image of the Buried Lord, laying in proper burial position, is attributed to the sculptor Pedro de Mendoza, from the mid-17th century. It was consecrated on November 19th, 1989.” (4)

Versión en español aquí.


1 http://www.prensalibre.com/pl/2008/marzo/18/227061.html
2 Lara, Celso. “Las Alfombras”. March 30, 2007. http://www.deguate.com/artman/publish/especiales_semanasanta/Las_Alfombras_7350.shtml
3 Ibid.
4 Special issue from Prensa Libre: “Semana Santa 2008. Recorridos procesionales de la Ciudad Capital, La Antigua Guatemala y Pregón departamental”. Guatemala, March 8, 2008. P. 10.

Defending Our Territory from Plunder

Sipakapa. San Marcos, Guatemala.
January 19, 2008.
Issue: Indigenous and Community Rights / Mining / Land

After the historic triumph by the Sipakapa Civic Committee during the general elections of last September (please view the photo-essay: Here in Sipakapa, the People Won), Delfino Tema Baustista took charge as Municipal Mayor of Sipakapa on January 15, 2008.

Nevertheless, a number of celebratory events did not take place until Saturday, January 19.

Without a doubt, a mass given by Monsignor Alvaro Ramazzini, Bishop of San Marcos, turned into the main event: “The reason for our celebration today is to thank the Lord for our new municipal council which is the result of your effort and hard work. Little by little, all of you have been developing a higher conscience regarding your rights, responsibilities, and the need to have local authorities who will truly and continually seek the benefit of the people.”


“I invite you all to join me in prayer so that these men before me will truly become servants of the people, continually seek benefit for all, and that despite the dangers, the threats, the difficulties, the risks, the temptations, they will remain firm. Because the hard work starts now; we must always continue the struggle and not stop now just because we have won.”

“Lord, please accompany these brothers so that together, authorities and the people united can walk the paths towards welfare, increased social and economic development, and peace, in this beloved region of Sipakapa.”

“The Sipakapa Civic Committee was formed three years ago by locals who have continually struggled to peacefully defend their territory and its natural environment from the perils posed by mining activities. Their main goal has always consisted of gaining political power so as to develop policies backed by the majority of the municipality’s population. It was a conscious decision to run under the independent figure of a Civic Committee, as none of the traditional political parties were willing to firmly stand against the presence in Sipakapa of Montana Exploradora, local subsidiary of Canada-based mining giant Goldcorp.” (1)

In his first official interview as Mayor of Sipakapa, Delfino Tema declares: “Our principal goal is to defend our territory from the plunder of our natural resources by international corporations. We will continue our resistance against mining because life is worth much more than gold. Under no circumstances will we negotiate with Montana Exploradora because that would go against the will of the people [of Sipakapa].”

The Sipakapa case has truly become a landmark one as it was the first municipality in Guatemala to organize a community consultation (or plebiscite) with regards to mining activities in its territory. Nearly one hundred percent of the population in Sipakapa rejected the gold mining license given to Montana Exploradora by the Guatemalan Government. “The community consultation is a legal and peaceful process which gathers the population so as to allow them to implement their rights.” Thanks to the example set by Sipakapa in 2005, more than 20 other municipalities nationwide have since organized and carried out mining consultations; all have rejected mining activities in their territories by